In the case of Price Hill most of which was annexed in 1870 two geographic barriers slowed population growth after annexation steep hillsides and the Mill Creek which was regularly affected by flooding from the Ohio River and heavy rains that turned it into a raging torrent. The city of Cincinnati could offer services and amenities at costs beyond the reach of most smaller communities schools, police, fire protection, street lights and water among others. Most of the hilltop communities bordering Cincinnati however, were annexed by the city. With a heavy representation of large Victorian houses, some of which could be easily categorized as estates, both communtiies became home to the owners and managers of the industrial plants and businesses up and down the Mill Creek. Both were older farming communities that had transitioned to bedroom communities. Both were overwhelmingly made up of single family higher income homes and tied indirectly to the neighboring industrial communities of the Mill Creek Valley. Other small villages and cities had no industry but still managed to remain independent like Wyoming and Glendale. Bernard, Norwood, Lockland and Reading though surrounded by Cincinnati remained tightknit communities with the financial resources to maintain their independence to the present, even as industry disappeared. ![]() Often these were endowed with a large manufacturing plant that meant jobs and a tax base that could provide the municipal services a modern community demanded. ![]() ![]() Some of the small cities and village outside of Cincinnati’s formal boundaries stubbornly resisted annexation. These were the homes of factory employees both skilled and unskilled, along with clerks and foremen who walked to the plants and home six days a week for their arduous 10 hour shifts. The industrial neighborhoods were also filled with homes- single family dwellings, boarding houses and tenements, woven in and around the factory buildings and railroad tracks. Filled with railyards, warehouses and machine shops supporting the sprawling factories these communities became the heart of the region’s economy. Bernard, Lockland, Reading, Norwood Oakley and even tiny Addyston. The plants ringed downtown Cincinnati in neighborhoods that were as much industrial as residential: Camp Washington, St. From the 1880’s through the 1920’s new plants were built and continued to expand like Wright Aeronautical, later GE Jet Engine, that employed 48,000 people at peak employment in the late 1940's Procter & Gamble’s Ivorydale plant 243 acres and employing 2,000 General Motors in Norwood employing 9,000 Cincinnati Milling Machine employing 8,500 the Crosley Corporation, maker of radios and other consumer electronics employing 3,000 and dozens of other manufacturers. The new plants were massive as were their labor needs. 1958įord Delivery Truck, Castleton Brands Food Products, ca.Lukenheimer was not alone. 1935Ĭhevrolet Panel Van, Modern Cleaners, Teutopolis, ILL, ca. 1941įord Panel Van, Burry's Cookies, ca 1940sĬhevrolet Panel Van, Bakery Truck, Juction City Bakery, Oregon, ca. Studebaker Bread Truck, Royer's Bread, Denver, PA, ca. Taystee Bread Truck, Chevrolet Step Van, ca. Paul's Pie Truck, Metro Van, Ontiaro, Canada, ca. Nissen Bread Truck, Holsum Bread, Portland, Maine, ca. Welsh's Bread Truck, Virginia City, Nevada, September 1958 ![]() Wards Tip Top Bread Truck, John Longwood, 1947 late 1920s-early 1930sĭugan's Bread Truck, Pelican Island, NJ, ca. The bakeries sent trucks door to door, offering the same middle-American fare that mid century children across the nation were raised on.īricker's Bread Truck, ca. From between the 1930s and 1950s, in the days when the borough's housewives placed orders for milk and baked goods, and union drivers in uniform delivered them.
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